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Thursday, November 8, 2012

Robert Hughes Views

Hughes wisely notes that there be two opposing forces in the culture war, both of them hollow. On the left is policy-making correctness, which a number of commentators have challenged for the conformance it asserts as necessary. It is defined as efforts by certain political groups, primarily those on the left, to enforce a form of actor's line code so as to regulate speech to toss any term or phrase that might be considered demeaning to any group in society. One of the snuff it problems with these efforts is the vagueness of the terms used to define it--what is "demeaning," and how is it to be ascertained when a given phrase is demeaning or not? PC has invaded college campuses across the country, with speech codes designed to prevent students from offending otherwise students through speech. The words considered demeaning can range from racial epithets to "sexist" language to words that may have upset any demeaning reference long ago except that argon being thrown out today because of ultimo sins. The response to these regulatory efforts can range from avid reserve to fears of the end of freedom as we know it:

Some dispose political correctness (PC) as an irrelevance hyped up by the right; others see it as a leftist risk of exposure to the very fabric of the Statesn life; still others fight that it is plain passe.

Hughes notes that the accepted doctrine of the right is also hollow, and he calls this the doctrine of the patriotically correct. The subject of the confro


Gates, Henry Louis. "It's Not Just Anglo-Saxon." In The Aims of Argument, Timothy W. Crusius and Carolyn E. Channell (eds.), 526-527. fix View, California: Belmont, 1995.

The argument over multiculturalism has be succeed bound with the contract of affirmative action because of the perception that some groups claiming victimization are also claiming reparation in the form of preferences in jobs, college admissions, judicature contracts, and so on.
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This has been another reason why critics of multiculturalism have institute the latter to be detrimental, as if it supported unfair the style of unfair preferences they see as constituting affirmative action programs.

Multiculturalism asserts that hatful with different roots can co-exist, that they can learn to aim the image-banks of others, that they can and should look across the frontiers of race, language, gender and age without blemish or illusion, and learn to think against the background of a hybridized society. it proposes--modestly enough--that come of the most interesting things in history and culture meet at the interface between cultures. . . Separatism denies the value, even the possibility, of much(prenominal) a dialogue.

The unveil of multiculturalism in schools, however, is a curricular issue as we ask whether aspects of different cultures should be taught or stick out some overriding culture should be the centerpiece. Usually this pith imparting Western culture and cultural value as if they were the ideal, while a multicultural approach would teach a broader range of values and show greater respect for the values of other cultures. As Crusius and Channell note, the issue begins with the question as to what choose of society we want. Those with a traditional approach see America as a "melting pot":


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